Summary Statement, 2nd Quarter, 1863 – West Virginia Batteries

At the close of the second quarter of 1863, West Virginia was but ten days a state.  Word of the state’s admission to the Union did not move quickly down Pennsylvania Avenue to the clerks at the Ordnance Department.  They continued to place the batteries under a heading of “Virginia.”


The clerks allocated lines for batteries A to H.  Though Battery H had not formed at this time.  An additional line, dated August 7, accounts for a mountain howitzer in the charge of the 13th West Virginia Infantry.  Looking at the administrative details:

  • Battery A: At Camp Barry, D.C. with no cannon reported. This battery was in the Artillery Camp of Instruction, Camp Barry.  Lieutenant (later Captain) George Furst remained in command.  The battery only reported some equipment and small arms in its return.
  • Battery B: At New Creek, (West) Virginia with six 10-pdr Parrotts.  Captain John V. Keeper command this battery,  supporting Averill’s Brigade, Department of West Virginia.
  • Battery C: At Taneytown, Maryland with four 10-pdr Parrotts. Captain Wallace Hill commanded this battery.  In May, the battery transferred from Eleventh Corps to 3rd Volunteer Brigade, Artillery Reserve, Army of the Potomac.  Their Parrotts held a position on Cemetery Hill on July 2 and 3, at Gettysburg.  In the battle, Hill reported two men killed, two wounded, and the loss of five horses.  The battery expended 1,120 rounds.  “I think,” Hill concluded in his report, “I have just cause to feel proud of the part my men sustained during the entire terrible engagement.”
  • Battery D: Reporting at Hancock, Maryland with six 3-inch Ordnance Rifles. Captain John Carlin’s battery was assigned to First Brigade, Second (Milroy’s) Division, Eighth Corps (Middle Department).  The battery was with that command during the battle of 2nd Winchester.  According to Carlin’s report, the battery had six 3-inch Ordnance rifles and 300 rounds as of June 12.  During the battle, the battery fired 265 rounds.  In the morning of June 14, Carlin received orders to spike the guns, destroy ammunition, and ride out with the horses.  He added, “Had I been allowed to do so, I could have taken my guns and equipment… and, in my opinion, could have rendered good service in covering the retreat….”
  • Battery E: Reporting at New Creek, (West) Virginia with six 3-inch Ordnance Rifles.  Under Captain Alexander C. Moore this battery supported Campbell’s Independent Brigade, Department of West Virginia.
  • Battery F: No return.  Captain Thomas A. Maulsby commanded the battery, supporting Third Brigade, First Divsion, Eighth Corps (Middle Department).  The battery reported six 3-inch Ordnance rifles in the previous quarter.  They were stationed at Martinsburg with their brigade when Confederates attacked on June 14.  In the withdrawal, Maulsby was wounded in the leg.  Lieutenant George W. Graham took over the battery.
  • Battery G: Indicated at Martinsburg, (West) Virginia with two 6-pdr field guns and two 10-pdr Parrotts.  Captain Chatham T. Ewing commanded this battery, supporting Averell’s Separate Brigade, Department of West Virginia.
  • Battery H:  The state’s Adjutant’s report has Captain James H. Holmes commissioned as commander of this battery in late September.  This was a “six months” battery, and does not appear to have entered Federal service.  The battery was reformed in January 1864.
  • “Col. 13th Infantry”:  Colonel William R. Brown commanded the 13th West Virginia Infantry, part of Scammon’s Division of the Department of West Virginia.  The regiment spent the winter split between Point Pleasant and Hurricane Bridge, West Virginia.  They tangled with Confederates in late March.  Then in late June the regiment moved to Charleston, West Virginia, arriving on June 30.  Within a few days the regiment was dispatched to assist in the pursuit of Morgan’s Raiders.  The return indicates the 13th Infantry had use of one 12-pdr Mountain Howitzer.  But I have no further details.

One “administrative” note here for clarity.  Many of these West Virginia batteries were counted as part of the Middle Department.  With the Confederate drive down the Shenandoah and into Pennsylvania, changes to the Federal order of battle occurred on the fly.  Thus some elements were gathered into the Department of West Virginia.  I don’t have space here to detail, and the subject is a bit out of scope. Hopefully readers will appreciate the context.

Turning to the ammunition.  Just one battery and the infantry section reported smoothbore cannon:


Those were:

  • Battery G: 100 shot, 90 (or 70?) case, and 56 canister for 6-pdr field guns.
  • 13th Infantry: 92 case and 68 canister for 12-pdr mountain howitzers.

Moving to the rifled projectiles, Hotchkiss first for the 3-inch Ordnance rifles:


  • Battery E: 142 canister, 344 percussion shell, and 1,208 fuse shell for 3-inch rifles.

Keep in mind that Battery D, with 3-inch rifles at Winchester, expended or destroyed all it’s ammunition.  And Battery F, also with 3-inch rifles, did not file a return. Both were caught up in the debacle of the Federal retreat out of the Shenandoah.

For the next page, we can focus narrowly on the Parrott columns:


Three reporting:

  • Battery B: 483 shell and 334 canister for 10-pdr Parrott.
  • Battery C: 383 shell, 240 case, and 163 canister for 10-pdr Parrott.
  • Battery G:  80 shell for 10-pdr Parrott.

In regard to Battery C, was that the quantity left on hand after firing 1,120 rounds at Gettysburg?  Or was that the quantity on hand as of December 29, 1863 – as the report was dated?

Battery B also reported some Schenkl projectiles for its Parrotts:


  • Battery B: 308 shell and 610 canister for 10-pdr Parrotts.

Turning to the small arms:


By battery:

  • Battery A: Fifteen Army revolvers and seventy-five cavalry sabers.
  • Battery B: Seventeen Army revolvers and forty-eight horse artillery sabers.
  • Battery C: Ten Navy revolvers and nine cavalry sabers.
  • Battery D: Sixteen (?) Navy revolvers and thirty horse artillery sabers.
  • Battery E: Twenty-nine Army revolvers and thirty horse artillery sabers.
  • Battery G: Thirteen Army revolvers.

Circling back to the service of these batteries at this particular time of the war, the statements offered by Captains Hall and Carlin (in the administrative section above) resonate.  One battery commander lamented the lack of cannon to perform his duty.  Another lauded his men for performance holding a critical line.


Fortification Friday: Let’s apply this stuff in the field – Star Fort, Winchester, Virginia

Over the last few weeks in this Fortification Series, I’ve discussed Dennis Hart Mahan’s teachings about field fortifications specific to the vertical plane – or specifically the fortification profile.  As way of a refresher, the profile defined the heights and depths of the fortification to include the parapet, ditch, and glacis.  Those terms and components in mind, let us go to the “field” to look at a real field fortification constructed during the Civil War.   A handy example, for me at least, is Star Fort in Winchester, Virginia.


The fort is, or should be, well known to students of the Eastern Theater.  It played a role in the Second and Third Winchesters.  Thankfully, in 2007 the site was set aside for preservation and interpretation.  And that interpretation ensures we know Mahan’s teachings were manifest in the layout of the fort:


The only plan of the fort I’ve seen is from a newspaper map from the Civil War.  But that is sufficient to provide the general outline of the fort:


We’ll get to the nature of these plans, looking at the fort on the horizontal plane, in later articles.  Certainly want to discuss the particulars of star forts, salients, and the like.  But for this installment, I’d like to focus on the fine points of the profile.  Working backwards on Mahan’s diagram, we find that Star Fort had no glacis.  Again, that component was optional.  As Star Fort was built as an artillery platform covering open ground around Winchester, a ring of rifle pits around the fort was sufficient. Though the rife pits didn’t perform the function to elevate the line off the parapet, those pits did function to provide a line of resistance some distance off the main ditch.

Star Fort does have a ditch and parapet.


The trail around the fort strides just to the oustide of the ditch.  We might speculate as to the depth of the ditch, as today erosion has filled part of it.  But what is preserved provides some indication of the profile.  Standing on the crest of the counterscarp, one cannot look past the parapet:


Imagine standing there with your musket, looking up at the muzzles of enemy muskets.  not a good spot to be in.  Trying to replicate the view of the defender at this point on the wall, my efforts were unsuccessful.  Standing at the edge of mowed grass, and thus off the parapet itself, I held the camera up at arms length to overlook.  Not a great view, but notice that we cannot see the ditch.


Nope, only the ground in front of the crest of the counterscarp.   If you examine this view – or at least while I was standing on the ground that day – the geometry is still very apparent, even for 150 years of erosion.  The angle of the superior slope of the parapet ensured the defenders could cover the crest of the counterscarp without being exposed to attackers.

The view out from the parapet is better illustrated on the other side of the fort:


Here the visitor looks past the parapet and beyond the tree line to see the houses.  Such demonstrates the ability of the fort to engage attacking targets within musket range.

The parapet’s profile is somewhat intact.  Remarkably for 150 years of wear:


Anther point in the fort that demonstrates the geometry of the parapet is over to the south side of the earthwork.  Today there is a trail cut through the works at a returning angle.  I’m not versed well enough in the fort’s history to know if this was the sally port or just a modern cut.  But the view serves well for our purposes here.


Notice to the left there is part of the fort’s wall.  The parapet has a saddle which appears to be a gun embrasure.  I was holding the camera at about 6 ½ feet above the ground.  And the location is at the crest of the counterscarp, or just outside the ditch.  The attacker at this point could not see over the parapet on the left.  In the center-right, where the wall is cut, we can see into the fort.  Compare those two lines.

Now from the inside looking out to where I stood:


Again the camera is about 6 ½ feet above the ground level, but in this case what would be the banquette.  What is in view?  The ground where I stood to take the first picture at this point of the line.  Clearly Star Fort’s parapet was laid out with all the functional requirements espoused by Mahan.

Closing, let me once again mention the importance of preservation of sites like Star Fort.  This is a primary source for those studying the Civil War activity around Winchester.  We are lucky to have such a well preserved example to reference.

Battle of Opequon (Third Winchester for some of you) 150th

I missed out on the 150th activities held for Opequon, or Third Winchester, held yesterday.  And spent much of today otherwise doing work.  Very sorry to have fallen down on my Sesquicentennial tweeting.  I do hope you’ve been able to follow the events by way of Cedar Creek and Belle Grove National Historic Park’s Twitter and Facebook feeds.  One of the postings yesterday provided a sense of the attendance:

There are more events scheduled as the 150th anniversaries of those important clashes in the valley play out this fall.  Next up – Fisher’s Hill on Monday!

Third Winchester – Seivers and Locks Fords on the Opequon

Last weekend the staff and I rode out through Clarke County for a day trip.  A friend offered an itinerary highlighting sites related to the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign, specifically the battles of Berryville and Third Winchester.   Two points we chose to highlight were Seivers and Locks Fords on the Opequon, where Federal Cavalry crossed during the battle of Third Winchester on September 19, 1864.

On that day in 1864 the main body of Sheridan’s Army crossed at the Winchester-Berryville Turnpike, and advanced westward toward Winchester through the Berryville Canyon.  But, tasked with interdicting the Confederate line of march north of Winchester, the 1st Division of Cavalry under Brig. Gen. Wesley Merritt crossed 2-3 miles downstream from the Turnpike over two fords.   Merritt split his force with Devin’s 2nd Brigade and Lowell’s 3rd (or Reserve, I’ve read both in the primary sources) Brigade to cross at Seiver’s Ford;  Custer’s 1st Brigade of the Division crossed at Locks Ford further downstream.  Confederates contested both crossing points, delaying the Federal Cavalry in occupying a decisive flanking position.  While the main Federal force remained locked in an infantry fight just east of Winchester, the 1st Cavalry Division fought with a pesky Confederate rear guard.  Only in the afternoon, joined with Averill’s 2nd Cavalry Division, did Merritt’s Division mass on the Confederate flanks to deliver a crushing assault.

A War Department map commissioned in the 1870s marked Seivers Ford clearly, but Locks Ford lay outside the study area.

Detail from the War Department Map (North seeking arrow pointing right)

The “Old Charlestown Road” leading to Leetown (just outside of the detail, to the top) crosses the Opequon at “Ridgeway Ford or Seivers Crossing.”  Today the road is numbered CR 761, and crosses the river over a one lane bridge at the ford site.

Bridge at Seivers Ford from the West

The high ground and the mouth of a creek just upstream (left) of the bridge help pinpoint the location.  Based on the War Department map, McCausland’s cavalry held the ground on the far side.

Looking from the opposite bank:

Looking East at the Bridge

Note the ground on the eastern side does not afford the attacker much cover.  According to Gen. Merritt’s report on the battle, the 2nd Massachusetts and 5th US Cavalry made the crossing dismounted, followed by a mounted charge by the 2nd US Cavalry.  The 2nd US then advanced on Confederates defending along a railroad cut. [Note 1]  Although not indicated on the War Department map, the bed of the railroad mentioned was likely close to the modern line which runs about 300 yards north of the crossing point.

Downstream from the Bridge

The Opequon resembles other intermediate watercourses of the lower Valley at this point – a narrow flood plain with a step off the banks and shallow but rocky bottom.  Creeks such as this always seem to accumulate deadfall along the banks.

The War Department map indicates a building near the ford point, labeled “D. Clevenger.”   An older Federal style house stands in that general area today.

House Overlooking Seivers Ford

Custer’s crossing point, Locks Ford, does not appear on the War Department map.  Custer, in his official report, stated his command advanced from Summit Point (now West Virginia) some five miles to reach the Opequon at the ford.  [Note 2]  Secondary sources indicate Custer used Brucetown Road, matching to the location modern CR 672 crosses the creek.


Brucetown Road Bridge over Opequon


This view looks from the east at the narrow 1917 concrete bridge over the creek.  At this particular point, the creek passes between a low ridge line on the right (east) bank, and a set of high ridges on the left.  Confederate defenders had the advantage in terrain, as seen looking from the bridge to the ground on the west side.


High Ground to the West of Bridge


I am told there are remains of Confederate rifle pits on the high ground overlooking the bridge (private property).  If so this further confirms the site.

The ground on the west side, much as at Seivers Ford upstream, exhibits a narrow flood plain.


West Bank of the Creek at Locks Ford


In high water, of course, this low ground is easily inundated.  And there is the deadfall.


Looking Upstream from the Bridge


To me, that deadfall offers the most formidable natural impediment to mounted crossing, forcing the attacker to use cleared fording sites or risk losing many animals.

Further in regard to the crossing points, I was struck with the similarity between these sites and those on Antietam Creek in Maryland.  Indeed, the Opequon and Antietam somewhat mirror each other, on opposite sides of the Potomac River, with very similar courses – just in different Cardinal directions!  But of course the Antietam featured several stone bridges, while the Opequon offered mostly fording points.

Touring these sites, I fell into the battlefield stomper’s gaze, imagining the troopers attempting to file through the creek to the far side.  So in closing, allow me to recall Merritt’s description of the morning action:

The rich crimson of that fine autumnal morning was fading away into the broad light of day when the booming guns on the left gave sign that the attack was being made by our infantry.  The glorious old First Division was never in better condition. Officers and men, as they saw the sun appear bright and glorious above the horizon, felt a consciousness of renewed strength, a presentiment of fresh glory to be added that day to their already unfading laurels.  The felt like men who were willing to do and die; that they were not deceived the history of the day proves. [Note 3]

Sort of makes you want to rig up a McClellan right now and splash out across the creek, doesn’t it?



1.  Report of Brig. Gen. Wesley Merritt, U.S. Army, Commanding First Cavalry Division, October 12, 1864.  OR, Series I, Volume 43, Serial 90, p. 443.

2. Report of Brig. Gen. George A. Custer, U.S. Army, Commanding First Brigade, of Operations September 19.  dated September 28, 1864.  OR, Series I, Volume 43, Serial 90, p. 454.

3.  Merritt, pp. 443-4.

3rd Winchester – Federal Left Flank

A few weeks back I was asked by a friend to do some stomping around the Third Winchester Battlefield, specifically sections outside the Civil War Preservation Trust property boundaries.  My friend is not able due to health and other circumstances to walk the ground on his own, so my task was to be his eyes on the ground.  He provided some pin points on the map and directions to look.  My chore was to navigate to those points and report what I saw.  Sort of a job an old scout platoon leader can relate to.

I arrived in the battle area by way of the Berryville Road (Va. 7), and after crossing the Opequon, I took the turn southwest on Valley Mill Road (CR. 659).  Abrams (or Abraham’s) Creek passes through a parallel valley to the Berryville Canyon (itself drained by Hollow Run).

Valley Mill Road Bridge over Abrams Creek
Valley Mill Road Bridge over Abrams Creek

The War Department maps (made in 1873) indicate a mill stood in this vicinity, with a supporting mill race running down the valley. The valley opens up somewhat to the west, but not enough to allow full freedom of maneuver.  The maps of the time indicate several abandoned farms stood along the road.

Abrams Creek Valley
Abrams Creek Valley

Further to the west, the Valley Mill Road intersects Greewood Road (CR 656) between the Shenandoah Hills and Greenwood Heights subdivisions.  Turning north on Greenwood Road, a convenient place to take in the head of Berryville Canyon is a church parking lot just before where Greenwood Road meets Va. 7.

Center of First Federal Line

In this view looking north, Greenwood Road passes from the left down to the Berryville Road (modern Va. 7).  As one can see, Va. 7 is a divided highway with heavy traffic.  The widening of the road did modify the landscape somewhat.  But not as much as the school seen in the background beyond the highway.  The position of the Federal center around 11 a.m. can be appreciated from this perspective.  Ricketts’ (3rd) Division of Wright’s VI Corps dressed across what is now the school grounds facing west (left).  Beyond them to the north Emory’s XIX Corps deployed and advanced into the trees seen in the center horizon.  Those trees are the south end of the CWPT Third Winchester Battlefield.

However, Getty’s (2nd) Division of Wright’s Corps deployed on the south side of Berryville Road.  The ground they dressed on is today broken by modern development and difficult match with War Department map.  High ground just west of the intersection of Greenwood and Valley Mill Roads matches to that used by the Division’s artillery.  Unfortunately, the intersection is busy and does not offer much chance for the visitor to stop.   Nor is there much to be excited about viewing the hill from a nearby subdivision:

High Ground Overlooking Branch of Abrams Creek
High Ground Overlooking Branch of Abrams Creek

Getty’s advance was generally parallel, if not astride, the Valley Mill Road.  However, again with so much development there is little to pick out of note.  Further west on Valley Mill Road, just before the intersection back with Berryville Road, is a County Workshop.  The bend of the road to intersect with the main highway marks the point of contact between Getty and Ramseur’s Confederate Division main line.

Getty and Ramseur
Getty and Ramseur

The battle lines extended south behind what is today the workshop.

Looking to the South Down the Battle Lines
Looking to the South Down the Battle Lines

Heading up to the intersection of Valley Mill and Berryville Roads, just before the light is a section of the old road bed that offers a view down the Canyon.

Ricketts' Advance
Ricketts' Advance

Two items to note.  First Ricketts’ left flank was roughly on the pike, with his division on the north side (left), advancing west in line with Getty.  Second, this view well illustrates the effects of highway widening and development on the battlefield landscape;  and why it is difficult to appreciate the true magnitude of the Battle of Third Winchester just from the small tracts which have been preserved.

One other stop on the “Federal Left” to make.  In the Regency Lakes subdivision lays the ground over which Gen. Russell’s Division (1st) of Wrights’ Corps advanced.  This view looks from the far west bend of Regency Lakes Drive, to the east over a modern impoundment of Hollow Run.

Russell / Upton Advance
Russell / Upton Advance

As Getty and Ricketts advanced, a gap opened between VI Corps and XIX Corps (see the panorama above for the starting positions).  This gap offered the Confederates under General Robert Rodes a chance to split the Federals before Crook’s VIII Corps could be engaged.  Russell’s Division, in reserve behind Ricketts, was moved into the gap.  Somewhere among the trailer pads General Russell was mortally wounded.  General Emory Upton assumed command, with his brigade in the “hot corner” of the fight.  On the Confederate side, and probably behind the camera in this view, General Rodes was also mortally wounded in the fighting.

After that series of charge and counter charges, the action on the south half of the battlefield paused for a few hours.  Sheridan maneuvered Crook’s Corps to the right and Torbert’s Cavalry were then coming in from their flanking march to the north.  After the hammer blows were delivered on the north side of the battlefield, the Federals in Wright’s Corps would advance in pursuit of the retreating Confederates.  Eventually the last stand of the Confederates of Ramseur’s  Division was made just north of where the National Cemetery stands today (in an early 20th Century residential part of town).

The side trip taken to view the Federal left’s battleground is not far out of the way for visitors to the CWPT Third Winchester Battlefield – all told probably less than twelve miles driving distance.  However with traffic patterns and stops to appreciate the ground, the trip can take up to thirty minutes.  Little stands to interpret the south end of the battlefield, only two state markers J 3 and J 13.  However, as interest in the battlefield has risen in the local community recently, perhaps someday one or two interpretive waysides might orient the visitor to the battle lines, even if they have to use a lot of imagination to picture the wartime landscape.

Rutherford’s Farm

A recent update of a marker at HMDB brought up some ideas that I’ve had rolling around for years.  Here’s the back story-

Last year around this time, I spent an hour or so searching for Virginia State Marker A-2 for Rutherford’s Farm.  I knew where it “should” be, and given some good travel guides, knew where the battle took place, but the marker was just flat missing.  Frustrated, I sent an email off to the Virginia Department of Historic Resources.  Shortly, confirmation came that the marker was down for repairs.  Go Figure:

Rutherford's Farm Under Development

The ground was clearly undergoing construction work, as a shopping plaza was being born.  The heart of the battle area, where Averell’s flank attack landed on Ramseur’s line, has already been lost to Interstate 81.  But looking out across the field, Lewis’s Confederate Brigade was arrayed to the north, away from the camera.   Fairly clear, little of note remained of the battlefield.  (And here are some photos of the site, pre-construction from Civil War Album.)

This weekend, we received an update to HMDB for the marker entry.  The state had replaced A-2 and some surrounding marker (one of which covered Hackwood Park a prominent place in the Third Winchester).

Restored Markers at Rutherford's Farm

The markers were placed just off Highway 11, in front of the extensive shopping plaza.  The site is still being landscaped, and development continues all around, but does offer ample parking.  The spot is slightly higher than surrounding ground, but the view will be across asphalt and storefronts.

What is noteworthy is the addition of three more markers (not yet completed) just to the side of the state markers.

New Markers Awaiting "fronts"

I suspect, but have not confirmed, these will be Civil War Trails series markers, or at least of a similar format.  No doubt there will be some maps, illustrations, and text which extend the interpretation beyond what the venerable A-2 offers.  With three on site, certainly these markers will cover more than just the short battle of Rutherford’s Farm!

Now my point.  Rutherford’s Farm was lost in terms of preservation.  But having these three new markers on site serves two purposes, in my view.  First the story will remain, on site, with a visible reminder.  Second, when visitors read the story on these markers, then look out at that development, won’t the next logical thought arrive – Why DIDN’T we save this one?  The same can be said for similar markers at Chantilly, the Atlanta Battlefields, and others around the country.

We would be slanted in our coverage if we only recounted Federal or Confederate victories in our discussions of the war.  I submit that the same rule should apply to preservation efforts.  “Commemorate the loss” with a marker or two.  Maybe we can no longer walk Rutherford Farm.  But we can gain some perspective on the battle of 1864, and the lost preservation battle of the 21st century.

Rutherford's Farm Today

In summary, preservation as the most favorable option, but if that can’t be done place interpretation on site.

Third Winchester Trip

Spent the better part of Saturday tracking around the Third Winchester Battlefield. The last trip logged was in August and I wanted to see the terrain sans foliage to better appreciate the ground. Furthermore, the CWPT had placed the last wayside marker and, as a good marker hunter, I needed to catalog the “Thoburn’s Attack” wayside in order to complete the set.

The trail is now complete as the Third Winchester Walking Trail virtual tour by markers. Select hybrid map display for the full effect. Google recently updated the resolution to the point it is easy to pick out Hackwood, some of the trails, and the foot bridge over Red Bud Run.

As with other battlefields, I lament that the markers are not precisely on the spot of the action. While most of the ground to the north remains respectable, the southern portion of the battle line is partly overtaken by a school complex and housing editions. So while the geographic index is nice, it could be better. The site of Emory Upton’s charge is presently sprouting double wide trailers. So the pins on the map are not very useful to track the action.  And one must use some imagination, and consider my humble attempt at photography within the marker entries.
To complete the “tour” I’ve linked a set of markers beyond the walking trail: Third Winchester Driving Tour. Fort Collier is in fair shape, but other locations are more or less pull offs on the road. General Hasting’s Monument is accessible, but within an industrial park. Hopefully Star Fort will be opened for visitors sooner than later. Unfortunately the site of the cavalry charge, starting at Stephenson’s Depot is encroached by development. Rutherford Farm, which was fought two months before Third Winchester, and over some of the same ground, has been lost to development for the most part. Even the historical markers are down while the highway is expanded.

The most inspiring location of the day was an overlook of Red Bud Run, near where Col. Rutherford B. Hayes lead his men across to attack the Confederate left.

Red Bud Run

Hayes moved his command down this slope, across the creek, and back up the far side. In the mud, under fire, on one hot day in September. I don’t care if he lost the popular vote, that President was a leader!