HMDB Civil War Updates – Week of 30 March
This week we continue the slowdown trend. Only thirty-nine new entries in the Civil War category this week. While thankful for the break, I like the numbers to be higher. Markers this week are from the states of Georgia, Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Missouri. Here’s the weekly highlights:
- First off an alibi. Last month we missed a marker from California. From Benicia, California, a plaque honors Captain Antonio M. De LaGuerra, of the 1st California Battalion of Native Cavalry. LaGuerra and his unit served in Arizona during the war. These men were “vaqueros” from Southern California. (and a Thanks! to our California contributing editor for this heads up!)
- From Winder in Barrow County, Georgia a marker discusses the Battle of King’s Tanyard, at the end of Stoneman’s Georgia Raid.
- A marker in Cobb County, Georgia relates the probes and maneuvers as Sherman looked for a suitable crossing of the Chattahoochee.
- The Cotton States Exposition of 1895 marker in Atlanta, is not specifically about the Civil War, but does deserve mention here. The Cotton Exposition of 1895 is rightly remembered for Booker T. Washington’s “Atlanta Compromise” speech, and I was rather surprised it was not mentioned. However, the Civil War angle, if you allow, is the reunion of veterans held at the time of the exposition. This coincided with the dedication of the Chickamauga-Chattanooga Battlefield, on September 19-21, 1895. Some historians cite this as the formal opening of the National Military Park system we know today.
- A marker in Chaptico, Maryland makes a linkage to an 1689 Protestant Rebellion in the locality to Confederate leanings in 1861. The marker features a copy of the oath of allegiance offered to Marylanders.
- The first of my Trans-Mississippi markers comes from Kennett, Missouri. The marker discusses the settlement, formation, and general history of the “Bootheel” of Missouri, which would be that little “toe” that hangs down into Arkansas. The “Bootheel” saw a lot of irregular activity during the war. Kennett was the seat of the “Independent State of Dunklin” formed when the local leaders opted to secede from both the State and the Union.
- From Piqua, Ohio, a 10-inch Rodman gun commemorates Admiral Stephen Rowan. Born in Ireland, Rowan commanded a relief ship sent to Fort Sumter in 1861. Later in the war, he commanded different vessels also posted off Charleston.
- Only a couple new Virginia markers this week, both from the 2nd Manassas Battlefield. The first indicates the position of Battery B, 4th U.S. Artillery on Battery Heights. Supporting photos show the effects of the tree clearing in that sector of the battlefield. The second is an older style interpretive marker providing maps of the campaign and battle.
- While not new entries, Robert has offered new groupings of the Shenandoah Valley markers, forming county-by-county virtual tours: Clarke County, Warren County, Highland County, Shenandoah County, Page County.
- The thirty-one additions to Gettysburg were of course the majority of the markers for this week. The entries span from the Klingle Farm to the Peach Orchard, and over to the Trostle Farm. For the first time in months, I have no Gettysburg markers in my queue! One interesting marker in town details the local G.A.R. chapter.
So while quantity is down, at least quality is not.
Busy Beaver
Last week, sensing that Robert wasn’t posting at his usual rate due to his thesis, I rolled in a couple of blog entries on his site to cover down. In part one of the set, I confront a Civil War legend of my childhood – the story of Billie Demint.
Update: And Robert posted part 2. In the second half, I’ve looked into more an internal facing question, “Why is ‘Confederate’ somehow a more desirable label?” At any rate, if you have comments or questions, I’d ask they be posted on Robert’s side for continuity.
The 120th New York’s Facing at Gettysburg
While entering my weekly set of Gettysburg entries, I found some contradictions with my site notes, secondary sources, and photos taken on site. The subject involved was the 120th New York’s fine monument, located just east of the Klingle Farm.
The 120th was a late attachment to the famous Excelsior Brigade, joining in September 1862. As such, the 120th is not mentioned on the elaborate Brigade Monument further south. Commanded by Col. William Brewster at Gettysburg, in the afternoon of July 2, 1863 the Excelsior Brigade – known also by the less romantic title of Second Brigade, Second Division, Third Corps – was posted just north of the Peach Orchard. While the 72nd and 71st New York of the Brigade were posted on the Emmitsburg Road, just south of the Klingle farm, the 120th joined the 70th and 73rd New York in reserve behind the main lines.
As Barksdale’s Confederate Brigade collapsed Graham’s defense in the Peach Orchard, the 120th faced southwest. The 120th was sent in to bolster the faltering line confronting the Mississippians threatening to roll-up the remainder of the Federal line. Like other regiments fighting in the Peach Orchard sector, the New Yorkers fought just enough to say a stand was made, but could not hold for long with the line collapsing around them.
From the official report the regiment “…advanced across an open field, exposed to a terrific and murderous artillery fire from the enemy, which was kept up without cessation during the rest of the day…. The enemy at last broke the first line, and we advanced to meet him. The regiment soon became hotly engaged, and held its position without flinching until it was flanked. We retired slowly, fighting, across the field, when the brigade again rallied, and drove the enemy from the field at the point of the bayonet.“ (Official Records, Series I, Volume XXVII/ 1 (S#43), Report No. 173, page 568.) Sounds impressive, but I’ve read enough of the returns from III Corps regiments at Gettysburg to place them in context.
The 120th was commanded by Lieut. Col. Cornelius D. Westbrook going into the battle. Westbrook was wounded in the fight, and succeeded by Maj. John R. Tappen. However the official return for the regiment, in August 1863, was written by Captain Abram L. Lockwood (who later advanced to the rank of Colonel, commanding the regiment). Of 427 men present on the morning of July 2, 204 were killed, wounded, or missing by the evening of July 3.
Clearly there was a lot of confusion as to particulars at the battle, due to battle circumstances and casualties.
But here’s my confusion. One of the flank markers for the regiment stands just south of the monument along Sickles Avenue. The other in the field to the east of the monument. Here’s the flank marker next to Sickles Avenue:
This marker is labeled “120th N.Y.I. L.F.” The other flank marker is barely visible in the field to the right. Here’s a closer view:
It clearly states “120th N.Y.I. R.F.” And looking back from this marker to the left flank stone and the monument:
The monument stands proud. The left flank marker stone is at the end of the snake rail fence, just left of center.
Problem here, if I have my ‘lefts’ and ‘right’ down, is orientation. Looking from the right flank marker stone, this is the direction from which Barksdale’s men attacked:
Note the Excelsior Brigade monument in profile just off the center horizon.
However, standing near the monument with one’s right and left placed in accordance with the flank markers, here’s what must have been in front of the regiment:
So if one rigidly orients off the flank markers, the New Yorkers were facing the wrong way!
I know. Anyone who has studied the ground at Gettysburg knows to take the flank markers with a pinch (if not a pound) of salt. Furthermore I’m aware of arguments that stop just short of fisticuffs regarding such stones. So to avoid some “test of honor” I’ll simply say this looks like a case of mis-orientation when the stones were placed. But who knows, there may well be a valid historical reason for the placement. If so I’d love to hear the story.
At any rate, since the Park’s stance is flank markers should not be moved or relocated, the 120th New York will likely continue to face towards Cemetery Hill. If that is historically correct or not, I’ll leave to others to debate. It just looks confusing to me!
Gabions – The Fashionable Earthwork
I’m not much of the field engineer type, but I do like to keep straight the terminology and techniques used in the Civil War. Partly to be conversant in the subject, but also since the cannons I like to study were often placed within those fortifications. One often seen component in the old photographs from the war is the “gabion.”
From the rather useful Dictionary of Civil War Fortifications, a gabion is, “… a rough cylindrical wicker basket open at both ends employed as revetment material to retain the soil of earthwork slopes.” As to employment, gabions were often used to form walls either reinforcing existing earth, or if stacked properly completely replacing conventional earthwork walls. As seen in the photo below, with a number of gabions, a defender could install a rather proper traverse within a fortification.
The gabions here are two layers high. A fascine supports the top layer, which is crowned with sandbags and additional earth.
The great thing about the gabion, from a soldiers point of view, was maintenance. Standard “mounds of earth” will do what any old pile of dirt will do – erode. You might build a solid 8 foot wall, but come the next heavy rain, knock off a foot or two. About the only way to arrest that erosion is with good old sod. Now it’s hard enough to get a soldier to work a shovel in the first place, but landscaping? Lets just say spreading Bermuda grass seed was not covered in Hardee’s or Casey’s.
But with a gabion, the erosion issue, while not completely resolved, is abated. Should some of the dirt filling the bucket wash out, you just add more to the top. And the gabion was as modular as anything could be in the 1860s. Gabions “baskets” were often fabricated well behind the lines and forwarded to the point of need. So your soldiers need not learn the complex task of weaving wicker, all they need know is how to shovel dirt. And in the event the Army advances, well just dump out that dirt and your gabion is easily transported to the next point of need! (Granted not exactly an often used option.)
One might cover a weakness in the existing fortification with a stand of gabions, as seen here at Fort Sumter.
Or the gabions might help brace up the interior walls, to form firing platforms or other structures. Looking at the interior of Fort Sumter a couple of views illustrate this use:
Note what appear to be bomb-proofs or other shelters formed into the wall of gabions. The walkway and interior slope are braced by gabions. Also note the cannon in the far center on the parapet. One of these may be the same seen in the first Fort Sumter photo. The second view of the fort interior, below, looks at the same wall, but from a different angle.
Yes, a lot of wicker work was done in Charleston during the war.
Anachronistic looking are they not? Well the gabion has taken a new form these days. In fact the gabion is often mentioned in news stories from war zones and natural disasters. We know them by a trade name – HESCO barriers or bastions.
The company describes the updated gabion as having, “… a Galfan coated steel mesh framework, lined with non-woven polypropylene material, with integrated cells to provide internal structural integrity….” Ok, in plain English, it is this thick fabric extended over a collapsible metal framework. The HESCO barrier lays flat for transport and is easy to configure. The really difficult part, as it was in 1863, is filling the baskets with dirt! Thankfully modern power equipment aids in this regard.
Look at this photo from the company web site, and tell me you don’t see a similarity to the Civil War photos -
HESCOs have uses beyond the military and other security minded users. The modern day gabions serve well as flood control measures. And other civil uses include erosion control, coastal stabilization, levee reinforcement, sound walls, and even decorative landscaping.
If it sounds like I’m selling HESCO barriers, well honestly, I don’t get a dime. However, if I do speak fondly of those tan sand baskets, its because I spent a few years living under their protection.
Reconstructing a Battlefield?
Two news items this week about Gettysburg caught my eye. First, there is a pile of rubble growing as the Old Visitor Center is reduced to rubble. As usual, Gettysburg Daily has the photo spread. Second, there is some discussion about the fate of the Gettysburg Country Club, and that the National Park Service might well acquire this property. I say there’s a connection between the stories. And it has nothing to do with using the rubble to fill in the swimming pool at the Country Club!
In the case of the Old Visitor Center, many of us have mixed feelings on the demise of the landmark. As many, I have fond memories of the place. I recall the first visit as a kid; the electric map; the movie; the “wall of cannons.” At the same time, the reason for the demolition does make some sense, to a degree, when viewed in certain light, with a pinch of salt, <insert your own qualifier here>. The removal of the structure restores part of the historical landscape (and perhaps reduces the park’s overhead expenses a bit). It certainly cannot be “as it was.” But the intent is there.
In the case of the Country Club, should the park service acquire the ground, logically the next action would be to similarly restore the landscape as close as possible to the wartime appearance. Given that, how hard is it to reconstruct a battlefield? And how high should we place expectations?
Buildings obviously would be removed. Certainly the lay of the links required some contour modifications, so there’s some considerations there. The aforementioned pool would be filled in (unless we want to give battlefield stompers a nice swimming hole). I’m certain some of the tree lines there are not historical. And that’s just the de-construction. The reconstruction would include planting of any wartime groves or wood lots; placement of fences. In other words, a lot of work. All of which, of course, the park service has vast experience with. It would cost a great deal, and likely require many years of work.
And of course, the right “goal” would need be set. There are a few photographs of that area that would aid the reconstruction. If I recall, however, a hotel stood on the grounds of the Country Club, or at least nearby, during the late 1800s. That might complicate things a bit. But with all the mountains of documentation, maps, and photographs available on the battle, I’m certain a goal of “close to what it was” could be attained.
More tantalizing for battlefield stompers, consider the history of the Gettysburg Battlefield park itself. Practically every corner of the field has some monumentation, yet this section of significant ground never received its due. Given current policies, it is unlikely, should the Country Club be added to the park, that the NPS will allow any major monumentation there. At most, perhaps trail waysides. Imagine a section of Gettysburg’s battlefield, restored to near its wartime appearance, with a focused effort to remove the modern intrusions, set aside for study. No monuments to orient off. No pesky out of context flank markers to reconcile. A blank slate!
Brings me back to something I’ve said in the past – battlefield preservation is a zero defects operation. I say it still is. But I guess there’s nothing saying we don’t get multiple chances!
And if this works out…. next project is Atlanta!
(Shuh! You’ll wake Uncle Billy!)

















